The two mine warfare drone boats at the Chinese Military Parade 2025. Image Chinese state media.
On a September morning in the year 2025, the wide boulevard of Chang’an Avenue in Beijing became a stage for one of the most spectacular displays of military hardware in modern history. China’s Victory Day parade celebrated the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II, but it did a lot more than pay tribute to a past victory. With Chinese President Xi Jinping standing alongside the leaders of Russia and North Korea, Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-un, respectively, the anniversary celebrations functioned both as a reminder of its suffering during China’s war with the Japanese and an unequivocal declaration of its ambitions today.
A Show of Peace or Power?
The heaviest aspect of Xi Jinping’s speech at that parade was that he said the world stood on the “peace vs war” voting line. He was adamant that China tries to achieve peace and development, but the symbolism of the alliance – two authoritarian buddies on either flank and a series of brand-new missiles in the background – was tough to disentangle from the message of balance despite the bombast of strength.
The parade’s timing and the grandeur of the occasion reflect its significance. Considering the increasing tensions with the United States – especially over Taiwan and the South China Sea – this gathering was a rare occasion for Beijing to showcase its military platform and strategic alliances. For Chinese citizens, it created national pride. For outside observers, it raised an obvious question: Does China equate peace with deterrence, or is it preparing for conflict?
A New Generation Nuclear Triad on Parade
One of the most noticeable things about the parade was that it was very blatant in displaying a nuclear triad, which is the interdependence on land, air, and sea-based weapons for a nation to have flexible options, especially when dealing with nuclear weapons. China People’s Liberation Army (PLA) DF-61 intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM), a successor to the DF-41, launched on a 16×16 TE-1 transporter. This was followed by the JL-3 submarine-launched ballistic missile, which can be used from China’s new generation of strategic submarines, and the JL-1 air-launched nuclear-tipped missile. The trio points to a significant increase in China’s strategic distance: As one analyst commented, “Gone are the days when China had to depend on Russian systems.”
China also introduced the DF-5C liquid-fuelled ICBM, which experts believe can carry 10 to 12 warheads independently and has a range of more than 20,000 km – extending to anywhere on the planet. Together, these weapons indicate that Beijing now commands a credible and diversified nuclear deterrent-news that is likely to give cause for jitters in Washington and other capitals.
Hypersonic and Anti-Ship Missiles: Staving Off Rivals
Hypersonic technology was in vogue. As the YJ-21 anti-ship ballistic missile, the land-launched DF-26D and DF-17 missiles created a hypersonic trifecta of Chinese ballistic and cruise missiles ready to make America’s carrier groups the enemies of the state. One military commentator noted that such weapons are “excellent at breaking blockades and hitting targets with extreme accuracy.” The Chinese also want to send a signal that it won’t tolerate any attempt by any country to interfere in an internal Chinese matter, particularly around Taiwan, as it won’t receive a warm welcome given the presence of the PLA.
China also showcased new cruise missiles, the air-launched anti-satellite Cora CJ-20A, naval YJ-18C, and truck-launched anti-satellite CJ-1000. These systems provide long-range precision strikes from a wide variety of platforms and are essential elements of anti-ship and land-attack missions. Other anti-ship developments included the YJ-15, YJ-17, YJ-19, and YJ-20 hypersonic missiles, further improving the PLA Navy’s power projection capability against enemy ships of various sizes, ranges, and speeds.
Drones, Tanks and Air Defence: Innovation on the Battlefield
Part of the show was stolen by the unmanned systems. The parade included the CS-5000T direct-action battlefield robot and underwater vehicles for reconnaissance and mine mapping and clearing activities. China also announced AI-powered drones called “uncrewed wingmen” that can slot into stealth fighters and fly in coordinated swarms.
The land troops were not abandoned. The Type 100 tank and supporting reconnaissance vehicle used a hybrid electrical drive for a stealthier approach and carried augmented-reality goggles for its crew. The addition of a defensive laser and active protection systems to the Type 99B main battle tank suggested a technologically advanced land force equipped to fight at high altitudes.
China’s layered air and missile defenses were shown off. The HQ-9C, HQ-11, HQ-19, HQ-22A, and HQ-29 systems provide the ability to intercept aircraft but also attack ballistic missiles of all sizes up to low-orbit satellites. For the first time, the HQ-BD mid-course interceptor (HQ-29), HQ-20 course interceptor, and the HQ-22A sequential course guidance system were publicly exhibited. Putting China’s plans to counter the most technologically advanced U.S. and Russian missile systems in perspective, military analysts said the HQ-19 can defend against hypersonic glide vehicles.
Even more dramatic was when five models of stealth fighters cruised in formation, namely J-20, J-20A, J-20S, J-35, and J-35A. This was the first time a parade featured several stealth variants, including the J-20S – the world’s first twin-seater stealth fighter – and the J-35 naval stealth fighter. Their first flight marks the coming of age for the Chinese stealth fighter programme and suggests the country’s vision for air domination in contested regions of the future.
Air forces like the Y-20A and Y-20B strategic airlifters and the KJ-500A and KJ-600 airborne early warning aircraft show that China is on its way to a world-class air force with global reach and expanded situational awareness.
What Does This All Mean: Deterrence or Dominance
From the domestic side, from the parade, it strengthens the PLA and national pride and confidence. It promotes the discourse about China as a country formerly exploited by imperial powers but now gaining technological and military primacy. To international observers, though, the demonstration has a twofold message:
On the one hand, Xi’s simultaneous emphasis on peace can be read as an affirmation that while China is increasingly capable, its current strength will not be employed to instigate warfare. Deterrence theory says that the stronger a nation’s defenses are, the less likely it is to be attacked. The triad and modernized air defenses might then be viewed as a means to deter enemies from burning their fingers on a stove running on China-friendly pyrite.
On the other hand, the huge display – staged in a moment of territorial crises and geopolitical rivalry – may seem aggressive symptoms. With both Russian and North Korean leaders at the event, both with troubled relations with the West, Beijing’s realignments are highlighted and suggest that Beijing may be seeking to change the world order. In addition to weapons such as hypersonic anti-ship missiles and AI-enabled drones, these offensive capabilities are all aimed at projecting power beyond China’s borders.
Conclusion: A Show of Paradox
China’s Victory Day parade for 2025 should serve as an object lesson for what remains at the core of modern deterrence: a state may express the intention for peace during the unveiling of weapons that can commit unimaginable acts of war. By parading new missiles, stealth fighters, drones, and tanks, China has sent a message to the world that it is no longer just catching up to world powers; it is all set to compete on equal footing, if not to exceed their tech and military capabilities.
Whether broad stability is promoted by this display or tensions are heightened depends in part on how other nations react. If you have a new US policy that seems to be a sincere commitment to real peace through strength, then it can discourage aggression. But viewed as a prelude to expansion or coercion, it could help speed up an arms race and intensify geopolitical fault lines. In any case, China’s parade for 2025 reminds us that in international politics, messaging and perception are almost as important as weapons themselves.
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