As Pakistan struggles to tackle the drastic reinforcement of hate speech, extremism, and a sharp escalation of a renewed wave of affective polarization, it has to prepare itself for something more: a revamped wave of cyber-politics in narrative warfare between political combatants. From traditional warfighting methods of political rhetoric and populist narrative making, to reshuffling the house of cards with ‘cyber activism’ and social media warfare, Pakistan has come a long way. These intensely looming changes highlight the paradigm shift in the country’s traditional political spectrum. The intensive use of social media, as a 5th generation politically weaponized tool, has become a double-edged sword in the age of cyber-politics and narrative warfare; it arrays a major and multifaceted impact on political narratives, social engineering, and mass mobilization in Pakistan.
Dealing with this new sociopolitical marker requires a twofold approach. On one hand, it advances political activism and mobilization; on the other, it adeptly inverts political narratives, rhetoric warfare, and civic-engagement, manifesting a mutated form of political radicalization. This entangled intersection has given rise to a new political method at each end of the political spectrum, known as Cyber-politics. To understand the ambit of this progressive shift, political analysts and social psychologists in the past have dissected such societal changes; classifying their impact on human and societal mutation. The amplification of ideologies through cyclic group discussions and organized axiomatic beliefs poses great threats; it suppresses diverse opinions, intensifies ethnocentrism and fuels xenophobic remarks, aiming to fuel social mobilization. Researchers have classified this as ‘group polarization’, extending itself beyond cyber boundaries; often resulting in mob grouping, cycles of violent remarks, and aggravating with each episode of socio-physical interactions, particularly on political discourses.
The explicit role of social media apps and citizen journalism in reshaping narratives and popular slogans has made it easy to touch the pulse of the public during political campaigns. The rapid proliferation of popular and populist slogans has compelled the top political brass of any country to find alternative ways of manipulating and orchestrating public opinion.
The intensification of social media warfare, demonized hashtags, and preconceived notions has become a dark side of political narrative making in Pakistan. With regard to these dynamics, some intellectuals and political analysts fear that playing the devil’s advocate in a polarized environment fueled by attacks from online enforcers and political zealots may silence constructive political discussions. These practices have led to the coercion of cyberspace into a hybridized political warfare in Pakistan. Conversely, numerous analysts strongly believe that social media in Pakistan has become a democratizing force; it questions everything, hangs a ‘check’ sword, reinforces civic activism, and increases political activity. As it is a double-sided coin, analysts demand a re-conceptualization of certain social media practices, incentivized marketing strategies, rewarding algorithmic nature, and the overall fundamental idea of integrating social media into political battlefields in Pakistan: making it an important political instrument to boost political activism.
The rapid democratization of social media in the age of cyber-politics has made it an imperative electoral tool. Despite having a highly paradoxical nature, it holds unreal omnipotence to sensitize the public on both cyber and political grounds.
Historically, the gradual rise of social media began in the 2000s, as digital apps were marking their entrance in the sociopolitical hemispheres. In Pakistan, social media is dominated by youth. Their discontent towards mainstream narratives, state censored media, and politically undemocratic practices at that time was not deemed as unreasonably prejudiced, but plausible. Subsequently, phrases like ‘Twitter revolution’ and ‘cognitive warfare’ emerged around the globe, particularly after the Arab Spring, adeptly converting media into a narrative battlefield, making it difficult to curtail the staggering rise of social media in condoning negative sociopolitical sentiments through citizen journalism and unethical media practices. Similarly, the reshuffled political dynamics in Pakistan after the emergence of echo chambers and cyber activism in political discourses have inevitably zapped traditional methods of narrative warfighting on mainstream media: fueling societal compartmentalization and extremism.
The sharp rise of digital activism in Pakistan started to glorify its trends more after the emergence of Imran Khan’s populist rhetoric. Some popular, yet, effective slogans and songs such as #NayaPakistan, #Tabdeeli, and #MianDeNaaray were seen gaining massive popularity in the 2013 elections and they were strategically employed through digital activism. The new era of cyber activism and political warfare in crafting public opinion kick-started during the democratic transition.
During the resurgence of terrorism in 2014, exacerbated after the deadly massacre of Army Public School(APS), the inclusion of Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA), as an exhaustive legal framework of strategies and conducts, was seen as an extensive shield against projected terrorism, cybercrimes, extremist propaganda, and dehumanized reactive outbursts in 2016. Till date, further exhaustive amendments are being bottled up, which can either make the environment conducive under Article 19 or capriciously repressive for civic and political activism, depending on how it is perceived, adeptly politicized, or weaponized.
Contextually, the ‘year of protests’ of 2014 that were led by Imran Khan, the sit-in of Faizabad through cycles of violent acts by TLP in 2017, disqualification of three-time elected Nawaz Sharif, and the 2018 elections were strategically influenced by digital campaigns; it all contributed to a radical overhaul in the sociopolitical landscape of this country.
According to reports from 2024, 71.7 million active social media users were present, roughly 29.5% of the total population: highlighting a significant surge in digital engagement. The battle between traditional vs non-traditional media has gradually died out, as non-traditional media, despite having less users, seems to be more potent in raising political awareness and participation. The popular notion about the adept maneuvering of cyberspace into political dynamics that has either ameliorated or radicalized political activism in Pakistan is, indeed, controvertible. Even the election crusade of 2024 in Pakistan, and the exponential shift in voter’s opinion after viewing political repression, inter-institutional friction, sharp cyber activism, and the battle between multiple subsets of political elite, all saw major shifts in drastically revolutionizing political narratives and electoral activism.
The international security paradigms that view such exponential resurgences along with the emergence of new sociopolitical actors in a different security apparatus, had a very diversified approach to cyber-politics. The role of social media in shaping political narratives can be placed in the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. As it addresses human and societal security issues under the apparatus of its securitization theory, it can effectively widen its area, and design a unique multidisciplinary approach on cyber-politics and cybersecurity in Pakistan.
As students in educational institutions are the most susceptible to societal and national security concerns, they are also among the most politically charged as well. They can be easily ‘recruited’ and ‘manipulated’ by anti-state bandwagons, separatist movements, online propaganda provocateurs, and other non-state entities, who implicitly want to dismantle sociopolitical orders through offering power, prestige and financial benefits. As this Security School arose during the resurgence of political populism, the concept of power, authority, and narrative warfare became an imperative part of its core. So, under the Copenhagen School, the coercion of polarization, fanned perception management, and targeted political discourses, all are some of the major pillars of cyber-politics; explicitly mobilizing the politically charged ‘revolutionary’ youth to carry out nefarious activities that could result in a national level crisis: keeping democracy and state security at bay.
The use of politically insensitive remarks, marketing of extreme narratives, and erupting violent outbursts towards ‘rivals’ on cyber and social grounds is a massive concern for policymakers in depolarizing Pakistan’s inhabitants. These practices are also exacerbated by the top political brass: amplifying their narrative to fuel social mobilization and demonization of opposite perspectives. These issues are concerning because the manifestations of xenophobia to ethnocentrism; identity politics to hyper-nationalism; novelty seeking devotion and social compartmentalization, all are destructive in nature; if not only amplified by the lack of political correctness in this country, they could still manifest and assimilate in every societal insurgency, carrying multiple social evils.
To collectively and strategically mitigate the horrifying usage of social media, and highlighting its potently vigorous impact on civic, electoral, and digital activism, placing it under the Copenhagen Security School would exhibit a bidirectional approach: as an imperative tool for a democratized world. Although, the dark and shady side of social media is an enormous threat, however, it is not an inevitable apocalypse for the democratized world. A multidimensional mitigatory approach would include an intricate understanding of such socially-constructed threats; focusing on a consistent, collective, and exhaustive policy approach, scattered to the four winds.
As Pakistan grapples with the coercion of hate speech, cyber propaganda, political extremism, and social provocateurs devoted towards a single personality or party-driven cyber-politics, handling these ills by reconceptualizing the idea of ‘free speech’ under the realm of article 19 would adroitly erase multiple ambiguities and misinterpretations. Article 19 addresses ‘free speech’ with ‘reasonable restrictions’ by the state. The Parliament should strategically erase any overt ambiguities or covert loopholes that could be used as a weapon in intensifying ‘digital authoritarianism’ in this country. The implied weaponization of ‘national security’, ‘public order’, and ‘morality’ in different contexts can be prevented by taking civil societies in policy-making tables. These crucial stakeholders can help successive governments in aptly addressing any implicit or explicit diversion of ‘free speech’ towards fueling polarized discourses; building bridges between the public, media workers, press clubs, and policymakers on crucial societal issues; warding off any evil spirits.
To keep the lid on the emanation of polarized and provocative remarks among youth, the government can incentivize educational institutions on introducing digital literacy internships, cyber ethical courses; seminars on identifying propaganda and politically inciteful remarks; warding off politically incorrect debates on-campus through a ‘no-tolerant’ approach, and advertising research habits among students can greatly help in resurrecting civic responsibility.
Civics and Community-Engagement, as a subject is already been taught in educational institutions at university level by the Higher Education Commission (HEC) as a dire and imperative milestone in depolarizing our youth; reinforcing cyber literacy and political correctness. This landmark has a broadened ambit; it should be extended to matriculation and intermediate to effectively set a solid base, creating an aperture to adroitly dispel polarized views radiating through the young and politically charge voices.
Internships in media houses, law enforcement agencies, and social media wings can adeptly resuscitate civic responsibility, reduce polarization, and construct diverse policy proposals from students. Incentivizing on identification of political misinformation and political fact-checking, integrating AI tools by student journalists, reporting polarized extremist views, and ingraining research courses in the semester system can skillfully prepare our youth to battle against societal evils.
To prevent an unhealthy interplay of charged political narratives and symbolic devotion; promoting a favorable environment for political correctness in communication on-campus through seminars and co-curricular activities in educational institutions to pertinently thrive, investing in a powerful discipline committee with a ‘no-tolerant’ approach would massively help in eliminating political aggression, cyberbullying, on-campus targeted remarks, and every ounce of hate speech from young voices echoing through the political spectrum.
Pakistan, despite extensively legislating cyber laws, has a long journey in mitigating these atrocious sociopolitical evils, where it still stands at a crucial juncture; it needs a collective societal exhaustion. The integration of strict cyber laws, institutional reforms, awareness seminars, and advertisements on disinformation, all are extensively in play. The societal institutions and law enforcers should exhaustively and preemptively incorporate these mechanisms strictly and swiftly, in a suitable way to deter polarized views, emitting through digital grounds and curtailing any maliciously inciteful activity they see on public grounds. Curtailing ideologically charged voices at the campus level is crucial to prevent any massive outburst that could shake the country with serious consequences, following the lack of affirmative, preemptive, and administrative immersion further fans the flames instead of curtailing the polarized fallout; it can capriciously dent our fractured civic and political fabric.
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