Since the British imperialism, the South Asian region had a unique interlink of its security architecture across the sides of the Indus Valley, stretching from the Kabul to the Delhi affecting each other’s policy decisions. This made the British Government to carve out a buffer in the form of Afghanistan, instead of incorporating it into the British empire. In the similar vein, the security architecture of the South Asian region of the 21st century still depends on the similar horizon with the addition of Islamabad at the centre of this security dynamics. Each of the country’s policies generating ripple effects for the other two. On this note, the Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) provides an important analytical framework to perceive this interlocking security architecture from the lens of the security complexes.
The RSCT is primarily authored by Barry Buzan in his work, “Peoples, States and Fear: The National Security Problem in International Relations (1983)” and later developed it further with Ole Waiver in their book “Regions and Power: The structure of the International Security (2003)”. As per the RSCT, despite the socio-political and economic integration of the global order, the security architecture of the states is divided in different regions which have been referred as the ‘regional clusters. The security of those states in these clusters is linked with each other, where the development in one country directly affects other, subsequently paving the way for the security interdependency. These regional clusters or “security complexes”, another term use for these interlocking security regions, are understood through the long and durable patterns of amity and enmity between them shaped by politico-economic and historical factors. Furthermore, under the anarchic international system and the quest to strengthen the self-help mechanisms, the actors in these security complexes start involving global actors for aiding them in this security competition or in other word global actor act as penetrators in these regions.
In this regards, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India forms a different security complex where their security has been interlinked. For instance, Pakistan has always sought for friendly and stable Afghanistan since its independence to connect itself with the Central Asia and putting end to the tensions in its Pashtun belt originating from Afghanistan. On the other hand, for Afghanistan, Pakistan is its gateway to the warm waters and the entry to the global markets. However, the historical patterns of enmity in the form of Durand line issue, the Pashtun stan case, refugee problem and the outpouring of terrorism has generated a long-lasting security dilemma for both sides, forcing each side to view each other through the securitization lens. This has made any engagement of either country with another regional or global player directly affecting them. It is evident in the unease of Islamabad with the increasing bonhomie between India and Afghanistan. On the similar level, Pakistan’s increasing cooperation with the United States of America on the issue of terrorism just was the case when Pakistan apprehended the Abbey Gate mastermind has made the regime in Kabul anxious.
Likewise, the continuance engagement in the hot wars and the cold war in the South Asia has generated a similar security dilemma between Pakistan and India, which has interlocked their security affairs with each other. This has, subsequently, paved the way for the Great Powers penetration in the South Asia. This was the factor that Pakistan sided with the United States through the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) and the Central Treaty Organization (CENTO) while India consistently sided with The Soviet Union. This similar security complex is again giving birth to the great power penetration in the South Asia in 21st century in the form of China and the United States. The Sino-Pak strategic engagement and the Indo-US increasing defence partnership are the clear example of it. For instance, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the Indo-US 10-years’ defence pact are the two of case studies of the increasing penetration of China and the United States in the south Asia to aide their partner in this security complex. furthermore, this security interconnectivity is visible in the form of regional engagement of both sides. The case in point here is the Indian investment in the Chahbahar port and the increasing engagement with Afghanistan is the product of its securitized relations with Pakistan. The similar scenario is visible with the growing ties between Pakistan and Bangladesh in the post-Sheikh Hasina scenario.
This trifurcation of the security relations between Pakistan, Afghanistan and India has indeed formed a unique security complex in the South Asia, where each interaction directly or indirectly affects the other. The historical enmity of Pakistan with India and Afghanistan, has made any engagement between India and Afghanistan as what the scholar Christophe Jefferlot call a ‘pincer movement’ for Pakistan. Similarly, any ease of tensions between Pakistan and Afghanistan will jeopardize India’s two front isolation strategy against Pakistan. This provides the significance of the Regional Security Complex Theory in comprehending the dynamics of these interlocking relations.
Another argument that RSCT put forward is that these regional clusters are not only relatively interdependent, but also indifferent to the outside security manoeuvring. In other words, the core elements of these security complexes are defined by their internal dynamics, not by external factors. In this case, the neighbouring wars although impact Afghanistan, Pakistan and India in different ways, but they cannot alter the fabric of this regional cluster. It is because the core of these security complexes is made through the internal dynamics. For instance, the trilateral relations between Afghanistan, Pakistan and India are dictated by the geographical proximity, historical enmity, and the material grievances, not by any external entity.
To end the discussion, Afghanistan, Pakistan and India form interlocked securitized relations, where the security of one state cannot be understood by neglecting the security issues of the other two. This interdependent security apparatus among these countries is also visible in their external and internal policy choices in the form of alliance formulation and the penetration of the global powers in this security complex. Therefore, the RSCT framework provides significant contributions not only in understanding this security complex in South Asian region but also dissecting its different contours.
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