“Until they become conscious, they will never rebel, and until after they rebelled, they cannot become conscious.” George Orwell.
In recent years, a political and social awakening has been agitating in certain parts of South and Southeast Asia. Since the economic downturn in Sri Lanka, to the quota protests in Bangladesh, the Gen Z revolt in Nepal, and the reaction to inequality and elite privileges in Indonesia, citizens, and the youth in particular, are protesting for better governance, transparency, and rights. This momentum is being labelled by the observers as the “Asian Spring”, echoing the political mobilizations that transformed the Middle East a decade ago.
Sri Lanka: Crisis, Protest, and the Demand for Accountability
The recent story of Sri Lanka has been taken over by economic collapse. By 2022, the nation was unable to pay its foreign debt, foreign reserves had run dry, fuel and medicine were in short supply, and inflation was high. The crisis resulted in mass protests, locally referred to as Aragalaya (the Struggle), which led to President Gotabaya Rajapakse’s resignation.
Since the political change has already occurred, a new president, Anura Kumara Dissanayake,
won in a transparent promise-based campaign focused on reforming the state and regaining lost confidence in the government apparatus, and a moratorium on corruption. A recent important measure of his government was the exercise of the vote of Parliament, leading to the end of the state aid for widows of former presidents, such as pensions, allowances, staff, lodging, transport, etc. Another result of forty years of agitation on the part of the people to hold government officials accountable.
Some difficulties come with change. There is a profound economic harm caused. The inflation is still elevated, the number of services impacted continues to be significant, the amounts of governmental debt impact the state budget, and the confidence in the government institutions is quite weak. To most Sri Lankans, the recollection of struggle is not distant. The example of what has already been witnessed by the movement in Sri Lanka is that there is a population with high levels of stress that can bring about a major political transformation, but the process of applying sustainable improvement proves to be more difficult.
Bangladesh: From Quotas to Revolution
The July Revolution in 2024 was the turning point for Bangladesh, also called the Student-People’s Uprising. What started as an opposition to a job quota system, which was criticised as discriminating against some groups of people, like descendants of war veterans or special social groups, turned into a larger-scale revolt. Students and youngsters were at the centre. The movement insisted on merit, fairness, free elections, and the end to a perceived creeping authoritarianism.
The state reaction was pronounced. Arrests were rampant, there were numerous deaths, and a high level of security and law enforcement. Later, political pressure led to the resignation of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, and an interim government led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus was established, holding promises of reforms, new elections, and reinstatement of some civil liberties.
Nevertheless, there is instability. Bangladesh’s politics is still polarised. There is also controversy as to when and how to conduct the elections, how to guarantee equity, and how to avoid state oppression. To a great number of citizens, the question is: Can this revolution become a structural reform in the long term, or will power be cycled among the elites in new disguises?
Nepal: Gen Z, Social Media, and Political Upheaval
Nepal is perhaps the most recent case in the Asia Spring. In early September 2025, the government imposed a ban on 26 social media platforms (including Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, X/Twitter, and YouTube) that had not registered under a new regulatory requirement. The move was widely seen as censorship and control of speech.
Public reaction was swift and intense, especially from younger Nepalis (often called “Gen Z” in media narratives). The social media ban added fuel to long-standing grievances: corruption, unemployment, perceived nepotism (especially among children of political elites), and a feeling that democracy and governance had failed to deliver. A schoolgirl being injured by a government convoy and other similar incidents acted as catalysts.
The demonstrations grew in size with masses of people, confrontations against the security agencies, destruction of governmental facilities, and brutal suppression. According to reports, dozens of people have died, and dozens of others have been injured. The Prime Minister, K.P. Sharma Oli, finally resigned due to public pressure. The crisis in social media was dropped. The young protest leaders are negotiating with the security forces and the army on how to have an interim leadership.
The example of Nepal is educational because it demonstrates how rapidly the digital rights, personal dignity, and economic expectations become the melting points of political nature. It also illustrates that the pressure of the masses can successively lead to a reversal even in weak institutions.
Indonesia: The Populist Pushback, Inequality, and Elite Attention
Indonesia has not been left behind in the number of protest movements in the year. Others were ignited by apparently minor or elite decisions that struck crude nerves in the common folk.
Lawmakers were given an extremely high housing allowance, which was criticised as extremely high in comparison to the average wage. The backlash was not long in coming; demonstrators regarded it as the symbol of the lack of touch with reality. It was later rescinded.
Another hotspot was the revision of the National Armed Forces Law, which provided more civilian occupational positions to the military and was generally viewed as the transfer of power to the military in civilian areas. This gave rise to protests and discussions regarding the role of institutions and checks and balances.
In general, these protests have not been as volatile as in some cases in Nepal or Bangladesh, but still important in terms of symbolic meaning and the extent of their spreading awareness. Youth, students, civil society, media – they are increasingly vocal.
Shared Roots: Why This is Happening Now:
· Demographic Dividend Unspent
Large numbers of persons below 30 are the youth in many of these countries. This can be a big plus in case there are sufficient jobs, education, and a ladder. However, frustration accumulates when economic growth fails to create jobs among the youth or when they end up in informal, unstable, or poorly remunerated jobs.
· Weak or Distrusted Institutions
Governments, courts, police, or other traditional checks in most of these countries have been perceived to be ineffective or to have been taken over by the elites. When citizens feel that there are no lawful means of seeking redress, they can tend to do things more directly as protests, civil disobedience, or mass outcry.
What Has Changed & What Remains Uncertain
Sri Lanka: removal of perks from former presidents, political turnover.
Can reforms reach rural and poor communities? Will economic stability return without deeper institutional change?
Bangladesh: change of leadership, reforms promised under the interim government.
Can elections be free and fair? Will political violence or suppression resurface?
Indonesia: some policy reversals (e.g., housing allowance cut), public scrutiny of lawmakers.
Are institutions strong enough to hold elites accountable? How will economic pressures (cost of living, inflation) shape politics moving forward?
Nepal: social media ban was lifted, the government resigned, and active mass participation.
What will be the experience of the interim leadership transition? Are new power centers to arise that reinforce the same problems? What will help to avoid more violence?
What Might Come Next
Change of leadership (as in Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka) doesn’t guarantee new attitudes. The same political elites, family networks, or institutional weaknesses may persist. Unless reforms address more than just the top, there is a risk of disappointment and renewed unrest.
When people in one country see successful protests or a government change in another, inspiration spreads. Youth in neighbouring countries may be encouraged. The role of cross-border social media, diaspora networks, and global awareness could increase. Protests often split society on ideological, religious, ethnic, or class lines. Governments may respond with repression. Violence and human rights abuses risk rising. Ensuring that protests remain inclusive and peaceful, and that governments respond with dialogue, will be critical.
Many changes so far are symbolic (removing allowances, lifting bans, changing leadership). But sustainable change will require deeper reforms: electoral justice, transparency, judicial independence, participatory governance, and equitable economic policy. Without that, symbols risk becoming
Conclusion
Asia Spring is not a single, monolithic event; it is a pattern of civic energy, often coming from youth, demanding justice, fairness, and accountability. So far, these movements have achieved notable gains such as leadership changes, policy reversals, removal of elite perks, and lifting of bans. But the tougher work lies ahead, like sustaining reform, ensuring economic relief, deepening democratic institutions, and doing so without violence.
For citizens, institutions, and international observers, the Asia Spring presents both opportunity and risk. If handled well, it could usher in a more equitable political order, where younger generations feel represented and included. If mishandled with repression, broken promises, or superficial change, there is a risk of disappointment, cyclical unrest, or sliding back into authoritarianism.
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